Re: è solo una voce: Margherita Hacker - Presidente della Repubblica ???
Inviato da Ashoka il 7/5/2006 23:16:05
Tranquilli! L'Unione proporrà Napolitano siamo salvi!
O forse no?
Berlinguer, despite the reputation he had in some quarters as being very evolved towards social democracy, repeatedly affirmed his links to the Soviet Union, to the Soviet foreign policy, to Marxism-Leninism. I quote all those speeches here. And what really annoyed me—and I think you’ll understand why—how annoyed I was—was when Berlinguer and leaders of the communist party, after the kidnaping of Aldo Moro, tried to convince the people of Italy that behind the Moro kidnaping was the United States. And the argument was, Moro was going to bring the communists to power, which was not true. He assured me many times—Aldo Moro—that he wasn’t going to do that. And therefore, the Americans did this to prevent the communist entry into the government.
So although I came with an open mind in the sense that I said, we should not lock and bolt the door and tell the Italian people, we will never accept the communists in your government—they would have resented that—our approach was rather, we want solidly democratic forces in our western allies. We will look at the communists to see if they meet that test. We will dialogue with them. We will give them visas, which our predecessors never did. And I had secret meetings with Giorgio Napolitano, other leaders.
GARDNER: Well, clearly, there’s a lot of difference between these different communist parties. The French party was much more hard-line even than the Italians. And the Spanish was itself a different story—maybe in-between.
Inevitably, in answering these questions, I’m oversimplifying. These are very complex issues. Let me make clear that my view of the Italian communist party—there were hard-liners, and I mentioned their names here, who were really pro-Soviet. There were people who were truly trying to make the Italian communist party a social democratic, pro-western, non-Soviet party—people like Giorgio Napolitano, whom I became very close to, saw secretly in these meetings.
The problem was that Berlinguer couldn’t choose between his hard-liners and his softer-liners. And he knew that the party would split if he tried to support, let’s say, the missiles. He would have lost half of his party or more.
What happened in the ’80s was—and this is answering your question—when the changes began to take place in Eastern Europe, it put the communist party that the West, particularly the Italian, in great difficulty. They didn’t know what to say about Poland, for example.
And the result of this was that at the end of the ’80s the communist party of Italy collapsed, and out of this came the group called the Democratici di Sinistra, the Democrats of the Left, who broke with communism and Leninism and all that and now are considered a pro-Western party.
Indeed, when Mr. D’Alema, who was a communist, and became part of this new non-communist party was prime minister—and I know this because my son-in-law was his diplomatic adviser—he supported our actions—NATO’s action—in Kosovo. It was not easy for him to do.
So there have been profound changes in the former communists, and I would certainly never say of any political leader in Italy today that I wouldn’t trust him because he was once a communist.
But if he’s still a communist, as if true of Armando Cossutta and others—the Rifondazione Communista—Mr. Bertinotti of Rifondazione Communista—there are two communist parties in Italy today, believe it or not. And together they get six percent. So the myth dies hard.
E se è amico loro..
Ashoka
O forse no?
Berlinguer, despite the reputation he had in some quarters as being very evolved towards social democracy, repeatedly affirmed his links to the Soviet Union, to the Soviet foreign policy, to Marxism-Leninism. I quote all those speeches here. And what really annoyed me—and I think you’ll understand why—how annoyed I was—was when Berlinguer and leaders of the communist party, after the kidnaping of Aldo Moro, tried to convince the people of Italy that behind the Moro kidnaping was the United States. And the argument was, Moro was going to bring the communists to power, which was not true. He assured me many times—Aldo Moro—that he wasn’t going to do that. And therefore, the Americans did this to prevent the communist entry into the government.
So although I came with an open mind in the sense that I said, we should not lock and bolt the door and tell the Italian people, we will never accept the communists in your government—they would have resented that—our approach was rather, we want solidly democratic forces in our western allies. We will look at the communists to see if they meet that test. We will dialogue with them. We will give them visas, which our predecessors never did. And I had secret meetings with Giorgio Napolitano, other leaders.
GARDNER: Well, clearly, there’s a lot of difference between these different communist parties. The French party was much more hard-line even than the Italians. And the Spanish was itself a different story—maybe in-between.
Inevitably, in answering these questions, I’m oversimplifying. These are very complex issues. Let me make clear that my view of the Italian communist party—there were hard-liners, and I mentioned their names here, who were really pro-Soviet. There were people who were truly trying to make the Italian communist party a social democratic, pro-western, non-Soviet party—people like Giorgio Napolitano, whom I became very close to, saw secretly in these meetings.
The problem was that Berlinguer couldn’t choose between his hard-liners and his softer-liners. And he knew that the party would split if he tried to support, let’s say, the missiles. He would have lost half of his party or more.
What happened in the ’80s was—and this is answering your question—when the changes began to take place in Eastern Europe, it put the communist party that the West, particularly the Italian, in great difficulty. They didn’t know what to say about Poland, for example.
And the result of this was that at the end of the ’80s the communist party of Italy collapsed, and out of this came the group called the Democratici di Sinistra, the Democrats of the Left, who broke with communism and Leninism and all that and now are considered a pro-Western party.
Indeed, when Mr. D’Alema, who was a communist, and became part of this new non-communist party was prime minister—and I know this because my son-in-law was his diplomatic adviser—he supported our actions—NATO’s action—in Kosovo. It was not easy for him to do.
So there have been profound changes in the former communists, and I would certainly never say of any political leader in Italy today that I wouldn’t trust him because he was once a communist.
But if he’s still a communist, as if true of Armando Cossutta and others—the Rifondazione Communista—Mr. Bertinotti of Rifondazione Communista—there are two communist parties in Italy today, believe it or not. And together they get six percent. So the myth dies hard.
E se è amico loro..
Ashoka
Messaggio orinale: https://old.luogocomune.net/site/newbb/viewtopic.php?forum=45&topic_id=1266&post_id=22272